ACQ Vol 13 no 3 2011

Requisite knowledge In working with children (or adults) from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds it is crucial to understand culture, the relationship between culture and language, the processes of second language learning and the variability to be seen in this population. Culture has been defined as “the shared, accumulated, and integrated set of learned beliefs, habits, attitudes and behaviours of a group or people or community” (Kohnert, 2008, p. 28; my emphasis). The realisation that the beliefs, habits, attitudes, and behaviours which make up culture are learned, not inherently right, is a critical one. Culture can be seen as a filter through which we see the world (Saville-Troike, 1989), a filter which is generally invisible to us. Awareness of those beliefs and orientations which are culturally determined (recognition of our cultural filter) is a first step in learning to work with those whose cultural background differs from our own. A failure to recognise such differences may lead to misinterpretation of behaviour. Cultural orientation has been discussed in terms of differences along two dimensions – individualism/ collectivism (or independence/interdependence) and high/low power. Individualism refers to the tendency to value the individual, independence, and individual achievement, while collectivism involves orientation primarily to the group. The high/low power dimension captures differences in expectations about power relationships between individuals. A low power orientation expects equality in interactions, while a high power orientation accepts inequality. These dimensions are seen as a way of thinking about cultural differences, rather than as cultural absolutes, but some cultures are thought to show particular characteristics. Western cultures, for example, are most often thought to be low power and individualistic, whereas Asian cultures are thought to be high power and collectivist (Westby, 2009). Consideration of the ways in which cultural orientation may affect the assessment and intervention processes is needed when working with clients from cultural backgrounds which differ from those of the clinician. Differences between individuals and families from the same cultural background must also be recognised. Language is one aspect of culture, “at once the context in which language is developed and used and the primary vehicle by which it [culture] is transmitted” (Kohnert, 2008, p. 28). Differences in language form are readily apparent, but other cultural differences in language are less evident. Children are socialised within the cultural orientations of their home and learn the ways of interacting that are valued within their culture. These ways of interacting may differ from those of the speech pathologist. Failure to recognise differences which are due to culture may lead to misinterpretation of behaviour and to the provision of intervention which does not meet the needs of the child and family (Peña & Fiestas, 2009; Wing et al., 2007). Consider, for example, the child who seldom initiates conversation. Within an individualistic cultural orientation, this behaviour may be seen as problematic, but within a collectivist cultural orientation, which values the group more than the individual, this may be the expected behaviour. The speech pathologist working with children from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds needs an understanding of the typical patterns of second language acquisition and of the many factors that will affect this. Language learning is characterised by variability regardless of the number of languages a child is exposed to, but there are additional factors which will contribute

to variability in children growing up in bilingual contexts. These factors include the pattern of bilingual development – simultaneous (exposure to two languages before the age of 3) or sequential (introduction of a second language at a later point in development) (Paradis, 2010), the amount of exposure to the second language, and family and community attitudes to the use of the two languages. If the pattern of development is sequential, the age at which the second language is introduced, the amount of exposure to that language and the pattern of use of the two languages are critical variables which may impact on both the first and second language. The effects on the second language make it difficult to separate language disorder from language difference. Paradis (2010) suggests that there is an overlap in the linguistic characteristics of the second language spoken by typically developing bilingual children, bilingual children with SLI, and monolingual children with SLI, and that these overlaps are particularly evident in the first two years of exposure to the second language. These factors may impact on the continued development of the first language with the result that the first language skills may appear to be impaired (Genesee, Paradis, & Crago, 2004). Family, community, and individual attitudes to the use of the two languages may affect the amount of exposure to each language, and therefore opportunities to use the two languages. The decline in the use of home languages within migrant communities over generations is at least partly attributable to individual choice (Pauwels, 2005). It is thus important to include questions which address these crucial elements of variability in case/family history questionnaires for use with clients from culturally and linguistically diverse backgrounds. The literature on second language learning describes a number of typical processes, many of which may be mistakenly interpreted as evidence of language disorder (Williams & Oliver, 2002). Children may go through a silent period, during which they do not attempt to use the second language. Interference (cross linguistic effects) may mean that syntactic or phonological characteristics of the first language are evident in the second language (Goldstein & Gildersleeve-Neumann, 2007; Kohnert, 2008). Basic knowledge of the characteristics of the first language will assist in interpreting these characteristics. Code mixing (which occurs when elements of the two languages are included in the same utterance) and code switching (moving from one language to the other, usually in response to context) are typical processes in second language learning. Children may use routines or formulaic utterances as means of coping with the demands of a new language, or they may avoid using language elements which they know to be difficult for them. Language shift (the process by which children move from using mostly a first or home language to using mostly the language of the wider community) and language loss (the replacement of a first or home language by the language of the wider community) are also common processes. See de Houwer (2010) for a more detailed discussion. Issues and evidence Assessment In assessing speech and language in bilingual children we need to be sure that the typical patterns of second language development are not mistaken for language learning disorder; at the same time, we need to be certain

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ACQ Volume 13, Number 3 2011

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