The Gazette 1972

of armed conflict. The expansionist policies of the USSR provided a further need for a power structure in West- ern Europe capable of escalating the protectionist policy which was fast becoming a world wide political phil- osophy. The economic disadvantages of a continent fragmented by internal barriers was obvious to all, hence the first step was the creation of the European Coal and Steel Community. Although this document and the Treaty of Rome were economic treaties, un- doubtedly the processes of economic and political unity are two sides of the same coin. Political objectives of EEC In 1969 at the Hague summit the heads of govern- ments in the Six reaffirmed their belief in the Com- munities' political objectives. If Ireland becomes a full member we too will have to affirm our belief in a politically united Europe, accepting unreservedly the objectives laid down in the Preamble of the Rome Treaty. The European Commission, realising as they do that an enlarged Community would tas the already over- burdened European institutions to an unworkable ex- tent have recommended changes to meet these needs. One suggestion is that a majority vote should again be the normal practice of the Council in all fields except where the Treaty explicitly requires the contrary. It is at this level that the Irish Government should be divert- ing its energies with regard to the problems of the minority in the North of Ireland. If we do join the E.E.C. it is in the European Parliament that the destiny of this country will be shaped and that applies to North and South. The problem of Northern Ireland The attitude towards Northern Ireland at the present time is unrealistic : there are no grounds for supposing that a United Ireland is imminent. Indeed this suppo- sition is positively dangerous at the present time. The aim of an Ireland united by peaceful means is shared by most Irishmen and this is a long-term aspiration, but the Community is by definition, the most logical place to do it, because it is here that economic policies which are the means by which most injustices are perpe- trated, will be controlled. The problems of Northern Ireland are to a large extent economic : the discrim- ination practised is practised at the one level where it is likely to be effective, namely job opportunities. Nobody will accept the continued practice of such discrimin- ation, but at the same time few would accept a solution brought about by violence, and violence appears to be the only means whereby a united Ireland could be achieved in the near future. In Northern Ireland there can be no military victory for either the British army or the I.R.A., because what might seem to be victory on either side will leave behind a dissatisfied people trained m the use of arms. There can be no military solution then, but a political solution of whatever kind will have profound effects on the situation in the Republic. Political changes are re- quired here also, but to date we have shown a marked reluctance to effect these changes. How can we pre- tend to be concerned about discrimination in Northern Ireland if important provisions in our laws and Consti- tution are also discriminating. Those resisting change on both sides of the border deploy the same arguments, with only slight variations. "We are in the majority. Let democracy prevail. We don't want these changes and we don't see why others should want them. Changes will destroy the fabric of

the nation. It's all the work of the I.R.A., Communists, or the Dublin Liberal establishment." (Which group you use depending on whether you are John Taylor or Desmond Fennell.) Church-State relations Irish entry to the E.E.C. will have a significant though subtle effect in the circumstances where the bulk of the population of the Republic is believed to be resolutely opposed to any change of the kind needed. We are entering a Community several of whose mem- bers have had to face or are now facing the sort of problems in Church/State relations with which we must grapple sooner or later. The question of divorce in Italy becomes much more relevant than it has hither- to been. Ireland has much more in common with Italy, from the religious and cultural point of view, than it has with the industrial, liberal British welfare-state. The Italian debate is therefore a much more potent influence than was the abortion debate in Britain. Irish public opinion will inevitably become more aware of the other countries of the Community, especi- ally of those with which Ireland has most in common politically and culturally, as well as in religion. This awareness will undoubtedly render more meaningful the debate about Church and State in Ireland. Member- ship of the Community will inevitably broaden the perspective in which the problem is viewed. The prospective European Government The Government policy has been somewhat mis- directed to advocate our right to unity and indepen- dence while at the same time seeking membership of a united Europe dedicated to the abolition of State frontiers and the setting up of a close political union within the framework of a single Continent is somewhat of a contradiction in Government policy. President Pompidou on 21st January 1971 said that if the Euro- pean Confederation becomes a reality there will inevi- tably have to be a government whose decisions will be binding on all states that will be members. The German Chancellor, Brandt, on 6th July 1971 said that his generation would one day see the taking of binding decisions in all those sectors that would be organised in common. So a European Government may in the not so distant future become a reality. The British White Paper estimated that the Community budget would, by 1977, total some £1,000 million. It would be exceedingly dangerous to allow the Commission or the Council to dispose of this money without some form of parlia- mentary control. The Dutch have long campaigned for a European Parliament with teeth in it. If and when Ireland does become a member of an enlarged Com- munity, we will be represented in these institutions which are responsible for the shaping of Europe's future. If a European Parliament is established with the power to bind its members to decisions of that Parliament, it is possible that a united Ireland might be achieved in this manner, particularly since the importance of Great Britain within the context of Northern Ireland is the extent to which the North is receiving subsidies from that country, subsidies which the Irish Government cannot, at present, afford in the South, but which can he provided from Brussels if we join the Community. Ireland will be regarded as one of the less favoured nations and everv indication seems to point to the supposition that the whole island will be treated as one economic unit for the purposes of our future devel- opment.

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