Coptica v. 16 2017

82 Mark N. Swanson

Sinaksār as Jirjis al-Muzāḥim. 3 That text, which in its full form is known only in a handful of copies (although also in an Ethiopic version), 4 shows the sharpest possible contrast in its evaluation of its Christian and its Muslim characters. 5 The Christians are all muḥibbīn li-llāh , “lovers of God.” But as for the Muslims, they are variously characterized as ashrār , “evil”; munāfiqūn , “hypocrites”; kafarah , “unbelievers”; or even al-Shayṭān , Satan. There is no nuance whatsoever. One would think that the narrator could give some credit to the Muslim governor who tried to preserve proper legal process and restrain mob violence—but no, he is simply sharr , “evil,” and even “that tempter who has acquired the repute of Judas the Betrayer.” And one would think that a Christian character who gave Jirjis terrible advice, telling him not to obey commands that came from an angel (!) and rather to adopt a scheme that involved lying to a priest would come in for some criticism—but no, for the narrator he is simply “a lover of God.” I think the term “hidden transcript” is helpful for describing this text, which clearly was not for Muslims’ consumption. 6 By way of contrast, we find excellent examples of the Copts’ “public transcript” in the great compilation that we call The History of the Patriarchs . Consider, for example, the part of The History of the Patriarchs that was originally written in the late ninth century in Coptic by a monk who served Pope Shenouda I (the 55 th patriarch, 859-880) as scribe; his name may have been John. 7 This “John the Writer” or “John the Scribe” has much to say about both God and Satan and how they are at work in individuals in the unfolding of Coptic church history—but for John, God and Satan both work ecumenically , through Christians and through Muslims alike. For John, the Devil can use monks, deacons, and even bishops to stir up trouble in the Christian community. Likewise, for John, God can use pious Muslims to do good for all of Egypt’s inhabitants, Muslims and Christians . 8 3 See Mark N. Swanson, “The Other Hero of The Martyrdom of Jirjis (Muzāḥim) : Saywālā the Confessor,” Coptica 11 (2012): 1-14. Note that the definite article al- in Jirjis al- Muzāḥim has no basis in the oldest witnesses to the Martyrdom . 4 For details, see Mark N. Swanson, “The Monk Mīnā,” in Christian-Muslim Relations: A Bibliographical History , ed. David Thomas et al. (Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2009- ) [ CMR ], 2:460-63. 5 For the sentences that follow, see Mark N. Swanson, “ The Martyrdom of Jirjis (Muzāḥim) : Hagiography and Coptic Orthodox Imagination in Early Fatimid Egypt,” Medieval Encounters 21 (2015): 431-51, here pp. 445-48. 6 Ibid., 448-51. Immediately following this study in the same issue of Medieval Encounters , Johannes den Heijer presents a story of martyrdom from The History of the Patriarchs , which strives not to give offense to the highest Muslim officials: Johannes den Heijer, “ The Martyrdom of Bifām Ibn Baqūra al-Ṣawwāf by Mawhūb ibn Manṣūr ibn Mufarrij and Its Fatimid Background,” Medieval Encounters 21 (2015): 452-84, here pp. 467-73, 477-80. 7 On this author, see Mark N. Swanson, “John the Writer,” CMR 1:702-5, as well as the chapter mentioned in the next note. 8 See Mark N. Swanson, The Coptic Papacy in Islamic Egypt (641-1517) (Cairo and New York: The American University in Cairo Press, 2010); Chapter Three, “Crisis of Cohesion,” is largely based on the history of John the Writer. See esp. pp. 27-28.