Wide Implications of Northern Ireland
Act 1972
by PROFESSOR CLAIRE PALLEY, Dean of the Faculty of Law, Queen's University, Belfast
With the implications of the emergency legislation
passed by the Westminster Commons and Lords yester-
day likely to be wide-ranging in relation to the beha-
viour of British troops in the North, legal experts in
Northern Ireland are already expressing concern about
the powers now given to the Stormont Government to
legislate with respect ot the British armed forces.
Up to now such powers, under the Government of
Ireland Act—which set up the State and Parliaments
of the Free State and of Northern Ireland—have been
the strict preserve of British Parliaments. In the follow-
J
ng interview with our Northern editor, Henry Kelly,
Dr. Claire Palley, Professor of Public Law and Dean of
the Faculty of Law at Queen's University, Belfast,
answers some important questions and discusses the
implications.
Dr. Palley, what precisely has been done by the new
Northern Ireland Act, 1972?
Basically the British Army operating in Northern
Ireland has been given full powers which it was thought
to have under regulations of the Special Powers Act.
That is, powers to deal with disorder and so on. But the
Act goes much further than that, and in my opinion
niuch further than it needed to. It doesn't merely give
the necessary powers to the Army, it is in fact a major
amendment to the Government of Ireland Act, 1920,
m a very definite and important way.
What do you mean exactly?
What has happened is that the Westminster Parlia-
ment has passed a law empowering the Government of
Northern Ireland at Stormont to pass laws conferring
powers, authorities, privileges and indemnity on the
armed forces. This is not what was originally intended
or indeed legislated for in the 1920 Act. It should be
made clear that Stormont will have no authority to
order
or
control
the Army but it does mean that Stor-
mont is now allowed to give the Army additional powers
w
hich they don't have at common law. Not only that,
but it can now pass laws at Stormont to protect the
British Army from litigation in the courts as a conse-
quence of their activity. The Government of Northern
Ireland can now also pass laws, if it so desires, to allow
the Army to use interrogation techniques for which the
Westminster Parliament would never legislate.
Are there other implications?
The Northern Ireland Act now permits the Parlia-
ment of Northern Ireland and the Northern Ireland
Minister of Home Affairs to pass such measures in a
far less public forum, without an effective opposition,
and without involving Parliament at Westminster in
the odium attaching to the passage of such measures.
In effect the Northern Ireland Act means that every-
thing the Army did under the regulations of the Special
Powers Act which the Courts here found wanting has
now been granted retrospective validity. It has not of
course altered the position of what troops may have
done outside the regulations. But it does mean that
Parliament at Stormont can now protect the Army here
against the consequences of any illegalities it has com-
mitted in Northern Ireland.
How can this be done?
Simply by passing an Indemnity Act indemnifying
anything or everything that has been done by soldiers
and effectively stopping any action against them in the
Courts. Such an Act would mean that a soldier could
simply say that such and such an action of his was
taken in good faith or for the public safety or in the
public interest, depending on the terms of the Indem-
nity Act, and this would be virtually impossible to use
as a basis for action in the courts.
Do you accept that some legislation was necessary to
clear up the loophole found in the Special Powers Act
by the Lord Chief Justice and his colleagues and if this
is so then could Westminster have done anything else?
Of course I accept the first point. As to the second, it
raises the whole fundamental question of who legislates
for the armed forces. Now the Government of Ireland
Act quite clearly makes legislation for the armed forces
forbidden ground to Stormont and so the legislation
should have been Westminster legislation, giving the
Special Powers Act regulations retrospective validity,
giving them current validity and providing that they
Vvould be valid in the future. Such legislation could
have been subject to yearly or half-yearly review at
Westminster. But as it is, as I have pointed out, this has
been done in part but much more has been added : and
what has been added is to give Stormont powers to
legislate for the armed forces and that this is a major
departure from the Government of Ireland Act, 1920.
Are you in effect saying that the High Court of
Northern Ireland upheld and, as it were, defended the
constitution of Northern Ireland—the 1920 Act and
that this was altered by Westminster?
That is -he position. There was a strong and, as it
proved, successful challenge to the British Government
to exercise the powers it has under the Government of
Ireland Act, 1920. When the challenge was upheld by
our highest legal authority it was simply reversed by
the Westminster Parliament.
Apart from the frightening possibilities of abuse of
this new power by Stormont, are there deeper legal
implications in your opinion for the law in Northern
Ireland? Even for the wider community as a whole
?
Well it really demonstrates that the British Govern-
ment has no real respect for the High Court of Northern
Ireland. It is not just a simple question that they have
protected the Army no more than the original case was
brought on appeal simply to attack the Army. It means
that a British Parliament has altered the decision of the
High Court on a point of interpretation of a West-
minister Act. It is a tremendous reflection on the Courts
here who, in my opinion, were absolutely correct and
quite proper in their judgment.
Any other implications? Say with respect to recent
decisions which have clearly gone against the military
and indicted their actions?
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