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The UNECE (United Nations Economic Commis ion for Europe) Con-

vention on

access to information,public participation

and

access to

justice in environmental matters

- known as the Aarhus Convention -

aims at strengthening the role of the public and NGOs in protecting

and improving the environment. Through recognition of people's

rights to information,participation and justice, it aims to promote

greater accountability and transparency in environmental matters.

Access is the key

Justice is our right

Information is power

Participation enriches

Biodiversity contributes to poverty reduction and livelihoods of rural and urban communities through crop

diversity; preventative and curative medicines and supplements; use or sale of plants,

wood,seeds,skins and

other products and genetic resources; buffering the impacts of extreme events such as floods,droughts,

fires and other hazards and many other means.

The Equator Initiative is aimed at strengthening community partnerships for poverty reduction through

conservation and sustainable use of biodiver sity in the equatorial belt.

Biodiversity and Communities

The Equator Initiative

www.unece.org/env/pp www.undp.org/equatoriniative

India's vil lages need proper power

Kenya’s disenfranchised pastoralists

Computerization and land r egistration

Andhra Pradesh, India

disempowerment

ENVIRONMENT AND POVERTY TIMES - 15

ndia’s “joint forest management”

programmes have been widely

touted as giving communities grea-

ter control over forests and a higher

share of forest revenues. State forestry

departments sign agreements with

local representatives in which the

government promises to finance local

plans, forest guards, tree nurseries

and other activities and to let resi-

dents keep some of the earnings from

selling forest products. The local

representatives in turn agree to con-

serve their forests and to follow the

programme’s rules. The World Bank

and other agencies have spent hun-

dreds of millions of dollars on these

programmes.

Inmany places the results have proba-

bly been positive. But Madhu Sarin’s

“Disempowerment in the name of

participatory forestry? - Village fo-

rests joint management in Uttara-

khand” points out the dangers of ap-

plying one single model in diverse

contexts and of

participatory

sche-

mes that do not take account what

people are already doing.

The Uttarakhand region in Uttar

Pradesh has over 6,000 community

forests, one of which is located in

Pakhi. In 1958 the elected forest

council of Pakhi received the right to

manage a 240 hectare forest, which

women use to collect fuelwood,

fodder, leaf litter and other products

for their families. For years the local

women’s welfare association control-

led the forest and kept it in good con-

dition. The association decided how

to use the forest and paid a woman

guard, through voluntary contribu-

tions, to fine anyone not observing

the rules.

When the village leaders agreed (with-

out consulting village women) to

enter the Village Forests Joint Mana-

gement programme in 1999, the

women lost control of their forest.

The local men, who had previously

showed little interest in the forest,

used project money to hire three male

forest guards and fired the woman

guard. Conflicts broke out over the

funds for the village forest plan and

the tree nurseries.

The Forestry Department now makes

key decisions about how the forest

will be used. It has marginalized the

women’s welfare association and

turned the men and women in the

village into wage laborers. The villa-

gers need money but they did not

realize this would come at the cost of

no longer being able to manage their

forest.

The Village Forest Joint Management

programme looks good on paper. Un-

fortunately the villagers of Pakhi do

not live on paper.

Madhu Sarin

CIFOR

msarin@satyam.net.in

Extract from CIFOR’s

POLEX newsletter,

available

at

www.cifor.cgiar.org/polex/01June21.htm

ost of Kenya’s Great Rift Valley,

an area too dry for cultivation

but free of the tsetse fly, was

traditionaly used as grazing land by

the pastoral Masai and Samburu tribes.

The tribes’ seasonal

migratory grazing

patterns maintained

the savanna as a sui-

table habitat for wild-

life – cur ently the cor-

nerstone of Kenya’s

profitable tourism in-

dustry.

Under colonial rule,

many of the traditio-

nal grazing areas used by the Masai

and Samburu tribes were declared

wildlife reserves or acquired for large-

scale cultivation. Many pastoralists

were displaced from these new reserves,

where human activity was prohibited,

disrupting traditional management of

the savanna and restricting access to

vital water sources.

Each Masai now has

about 100 hectares –

not enough for the

average herd of cattle.

Restrictions on the

entry of livestock into

nature reserves cou-

pled with the ability

of wildlife (vs. fenced

herded livestock) to

leave unfenced natu-

re reserves onto land used by the Masai

has degraded the Masai’s curent

grazing areas (1).Herdsmen have,as a

consequence,been forced to use other

grazing areas that were traditionaly

avoided (areas with parasites etc.).

Recognition that the seasonal grazing

of livestock can maintain savanna areas

and adoption of a “landscape” ap-

proach to conservation (where wild and

domesticated animals graze in the same

areas at dif erent times of the year)

could lead to constructive partnerships

between pastoralists and the tourism

sector. Decentralization – which will

encourage tribal representation,margi-

nalized since colonial rule – will be

critical in ensuring that tribes are no

longer displaced from their traditional

lands and that Kenya’s savannas are

retained and managed (2,3).

An. Ba. and

Ma.Sn

.

1.

Personal Communication: Ole Kamuaro Ololtisatti,

Purko Maasai,Kenya

, 2001.

2. Cheeseman,T.,

Conservation and the Maasai in

Kenya: Tradeoff or Lost Mutualism?

, 2002,

www.environmentalaction.net/kenya.

3. Sindiga, I.,

Tourism and African Development

:

Change and Chalenge of Tourism in Kenya

, African

Studies Centre, Leiden,1999.

DANIEL KARIUKI - “Woodland mothers” (1992)

DANIEL KARIUKI - “The giraffes” (1994)

Buying property in Andhra Pradesh used to be complex and

take a long time.After the purchase the buyer visited the

local office of the Sub-Registrar of Assurances in person,had

the property valued and stamp duty calculated, purchased

stamp paper and had a writer draft the deed in the requisite

legal language. The purchaser also had to provide additional

documents related to income and other properties owned.

All these documents were then scrutinized by the registrar,

and recorded, before an exact copy of the final deed was

copied by hand and certified.

In Andhra Pradesh,387 subregistrar offices registered about

1.2 mil ion documents a year, 60 percent of them for agri-

cultural land. A yearly manual update of property infor-

mation was carried out, since hundreds of thousands of

property files were updated with the new sales from the year.

Land registration offices throughout the state are now

equipped with computerized counters under the Computer-

aided Administration of Registration Department (CARD)

project, initiated and financed by the state government to

improve efficiency and increase duty collections. Starting

with a pilot project in 214 locations over 15 months, the

entire database was transferred to computers, the copying

and filing system was replaced with imaging,and al back-

office functions were automated.Standardization and greater

transparency in property valuation procedures boosted stamp

duty revenues.Registration processing time was cut from

ten days to one hour.

Source: Subhash Chandra Bhatnagar, Indian Institute of Management,

Ahmedabad,World Bank,E-Government Focus Group,2000,available

at

www1.worldbank.org/publicsector/egov/cardcs.htm

The Aarhus Convention

I

M

Under colonial rule, many of

the traditional grazing areas

used by the Masai and

Samburu tribes were

declared wildlife reserves or

acquired for large-scale

cultivation