

Trade Disputes and the Law
Dr. Paul O'Higgins,
Fellow of Christ's College, Cam-
bridge, spoke on Sunday morning on "Trade Disputes
and the Law". It was stressed that few lawyers had
practical experience of industrial relations, and there
are few legal experts on labour law. There is an unfor-
tunate traditional working class antipathy to the inter-
vention of lawyers in labour disputes. The current
labour legislation is based upon the following policy
considerations.
(1) The best method of regulating labour relations is
by voluntary collective bargaining.
(2) It is therefore necessary for trade unions to exist
and to give them the full legal protection afforded by
the Trade Disputes Act, 1906.
(3) There must be freedom of industrial action on
both sides—freedom of employers to lock-out, and free-
dom of employees to withdraw their labour.
Here there is a judicial tendency to grant compen-
sation to any person who suffers financial loss. Unfortu-
nately it is not possible to have effective strike action
without loss to others, such as employers or even the
community at large. As Lord Wright said in the Harris
Tweed case (1942), "the right of workmen to strike is
an essential element in the principle of collective
bargaining". The present worldwide upsurge of unrest
and strikes has caused a change of judicial attitude
which some consider confused. Workers are alleged to
wish to play a greater part in making vital decisions,
and not leaving their grievances to employers and
professors. When governments attempt to impose an
incomes policy of wage restraint, they have made the
public sector the pace setters and these public servants
fall behind others in wage levels. Large international
industrial action has been met by increasingly hostile
public oipnion ventilated by the press and other media
of communications hostile to trade unions. Undoubt-
edly the public does not want to tolerate strikes in
certain essential industries. It is essential to the public
to ultimately prevent the occurrence of true emergencies.
Contravention of Social Charter
But, in democratic states, the undeniable inconveniences
of strikes are part of the price one must pay, Ireland
signed the European Social Charter, but a committee
of experts found that it had contravened the right to
strike guaranteed in Article 6 in three respects :
(1) Under the Trade Union Act, 1941, the protection
given to strike action is confined to trade unions who
have negotiating licences.
(2) Cases like
Smith v Beirne
(1955) and
B and I
Steampacket v Branigan
(1958) placed many employees
such as nurses and schoolteachers outside the protection
of the Trade Disputes Act, as they were not deemed
"workmen".
(3) It is unlawful for public servants to strike. The
principle of collective bargaining, however, involves
that strike action, preferably controlled, should take
place. Some hold that actual loss of production should
be permitted in certain circumstances.
In
Educational Company v Fitzpatrick
(1961), the
majority of the Supreme Court in its wisdom decided
that it would be a contravention of the fundamental
Constitution not to allow to persons the freedom to join
—or not to join—trade unions, and that it was a contra-
vention of freedom of choice to compel anyone to do so.
It followed that a picket set up to enforce this
alleged constitutional right of compulsion to join
a union could not but be deemed a nuisance.
Some writers and trade unionists had criticised this
decision as an alleged infringement of the European
Convention of Human Rights, on the ground that
picketing is a combined exercise of the right of freedom
of expression and the right of freedom of association.
Some countries, like New Zealand, where strike action
is illegal have bad strike records. In Sweden, there were
many strikes to 1938, when Swedish employers and
trade unions entered into an agreement for the mutual
settlement of disputes. In the European Community
countries, where there is a good strike record, the wor-
kers have a greater say in the making of decisions, and
the rights of employers are restricted. Many strikes over
dismissals or discipline are unfortunately caused by the
lack of properly and jointly negotiated rules.
Objective of Donovan Report
Paragraph 192 of the Donovan Report sets forth the
following objectives :
(1) To develop comprehensive and authoritative col-
lective bargaining machinery at company or factory
level.
(2) To develop joint procedures for the rapid and
equitable settlement of grievances.
(3) To conclude with union representatives agree-
ments regulating in detail the position of shop stewards.
(4) To conclude agreements about the handling of
redundancy.
(5) To adopt effective rules and procedures governing
disciplinary matters, including appeals.
Thus the primary responsibility for good industrial
relations rests upon management, and in Britain the
law was regarded merely as an auxiliary vehicle until
the recent Industrial Relations Bill was introduced. We
must decide whether we should necessarily base our
legislation as heretofore on British collective bargaining
policy principles, or whether we should call on the law
in the future to enforce those principles more drastically.
The courts have an unenviable task, inasmuch as the
common law is often at cross purposes with the legis-
lative policy of collective bargaining; as Mr. Justice
Gavan Duffy stressed in
Cooper v Millea
(1938), impor-
tant questions as to how far organised labour may go
have had to be decided by the conceptions of individual
judges. It will be necessary to consider whether the
circumstances in which it would be unlawful to strike
should replace collective bargaining. It must be recog-
nised that the law and society are powerless to limit the
activities of workers, if they deliberately endeavour to
act unlawfully.
In answer to questions, Dr. Paul O'Higgins stressed
that a cooling off period would work if it were to enforce
compulsory negotiation, but not otherwise. Adequate
machinery should be provided to settle grievances. The
fact that pickets have to be sanctioned by the Irish
Congress of Trade Unions is most useful. On the Con-
tinent, many questions of labour relations have to be
determined by joint agreement, and a conciliation mach-
inery, as well as labour law judges are provided. As the
law cannot solve all disputes, the lawyer has to make
up his mind how far legislation would be useful.
The Swedish joint agreement of 1938 only extended
to the private sector, and the public sector was excluded:
hence the recent strike of civil servants. The Swedish
Government stated they would take strong measures
unless an agreement can be reached to establish a
system of voluntary arbitration. In order to be legally
binding, collective agreements need not necessarily be
contracts, but should then be regulated by statute. In
Britain, it will henceforth be possible to reduce the
number of unions, because the registrar can declare a
particular union to be the union which must deal with
a particular group of workers.
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