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Ire!and-U.K. committee to examine the present

system of assize courts and the Belfast City

Commission.

It also says that) in view of the increased work

load since 1920, the statutory minimum number

of Supreme Court Judges should be raised from

five to seven.

On the constitutional question, the report faces

the problem that, while the Supreme Court in the

North, unlike the lower courts, is reserved to the

legislative authority of Westminster, it has to deal

with legislation from Stormont. Westminster has

passed legislation "enabling™ Stormont to make

laws, on the Westminster model, to take account

of new factors as time passes ; but delay and

uncertainty can arise and sometimes a divergency

of view between Stormont and London, and the

whole situation, the report says, is regarded by

the Stormont Government as unsatisfactory.

Possible solutions

The report then considers three possible solu

tions :

(1) A wide general enabling clause to be passed

at Westminster: this, the report concludes, would

only cater for the future to a limited extent, owing

to the impossibility of foreseeing many of the

changes in legislative requirements which time is

certain to bring.

(2 Dereservation: this would repeal the part of

the Government of Ireland Act that makes the

Supreme Court of Northern Ireland a reserved

service, under Westminster's authority. The Shell

Committee advised this in 1957, but in its own

paragraph 18

said the appointment of judges

" should

remain

in

Imperial

hands." The

MacDermott reports notes

that

the Northern

Northern Government " though much concerned

with the subject of enablement, did not seek

dereservation .

.

.

."

The committee goes on to point to the smallness

of the N.I. jurisdiction and says that " an ultimate

control of the adminisration of justice is remote

enough to stand above local controversies may

have an important virtue of its own." While this

argument was not decisive, the committee adds

that at present Northern Ireland shares the advan

tage of having the ultimate oversight of the Lord

Chancellor in London, who is both head of the

judiciary and a member of the Government, and

so " in a unique position to see that the require

ments of justice are recognised and respected, and

that the rule of law is upheld and protected from

conflict between the several branches of Govern

ment."

Dereservation, the report says, would end this

convenient arrangement, since in Northern Ire

land it would be impracticable for the Lord Chief

Justice to assume political as well as judicial

responsibility. " We

.

.

. regard dereservation as

likely to produce a serious and enduring disad

vantage in this respect."

The heart of the matter, the report goes on, is

the fact that Northern Ireland " is a small area

where controversy has abounded among a small

and hitherto divided community. We believe that

confidence in the administration of justice at the

highest level has been and will be best promoted

and maintained by keeping the superior courts

entirely outside the realm of local political con

tention ... in all the circumstances, we do not

favour investing the Parliament of Northern Ire

land with control of or responsibility for the

Supreme Court."

Further enablement

(3) The committee in fact chose the third possi

bility for further " enablement" of Stormont to

legislate in aid of the Supreme Court: the Quekett

approach, devised by the late Sir Arthur Quekett,

the first parliamentary draftsman under the Nor

thern Ireland Government. Simply, the device is

to have Westminster repeal the limiting sections

of the Government of Ireland Act, except for

" such essential subject matters as ought to be

kept within the exclusive power of Westminster."

The report goes on to suggest, in legal detail, just

how this could be done.

The report, however, mentions that the com

mittee was

in

" considerable doubt" about

whether it should express its opinion on these

matters, since " despite their legal and consti

tutional importance, they raise issues which have

political aspects and which

in certain events

might become controversial. We felt that to make

recommendations on such issues might jeopardise

or delay the passage into law of our other recom

mendations." The question might be better dealt

with in a separate Bill.

But, the report says, " the Government of Nor-

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