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319

THE ROLE OF INTERNATIONAL LAW IN THE RULE OF LAW EFFORTS IN POSTǧDAYTON…

elsewhere: Provisions of the constitution also discriminate against Bosnian Serbs in

the Bosniak and Bosnian Croat-dominated federation Entity, and against Bosniaks

and Bosnian Croats in the Bosnian Serb-dominated Republika Srpska Entity. And

the powers that be would prefer to maintain that status quo.’

55

One of the steps

towards a deeper democratic consolidation would be to depart from the current

status quo and replace the ‘Dayton phase’. However, debates on the constitutional

reform have so far been unsuccessful.

56

The Council of Europe has already warned

that without the necessary constitutional changes, neither it nor the EU will consider

the upcoming elections (to be held in October 2014) legitimate.

57

The ability of the ECtHR’s decision to initate any real change on the ground

is rather limited.

58

BiH finds itself in quite a peculiar situation: the Constitution,

which is a part of the international treaty (DPA), is in some of its provisions

discriminatory, ie the application of an international treaty in this particular context

is not improving, but rather worsening the situation of the persons international law

purports to protect.

Moving from the human rights considerations relating to the Constitution, the

following part will assess the rule of law efforts in the area of criminal justice. The

establishment of the WCC represents one of the most significant efforts in BiH to

prosecute crimes under international law committed during the 1992–1995 armed

conflict. Due to the importance of the role of international law in this respect, the

next part focuses on the process of empowering this domestic institution to apply

international law.

3. The Establishment of the War Crimes Chamber of the Court of Bosnia

and Herzegovina as a Contribution to the Rule of Law Efforts in BiH

3.1 Establishment of the WCC

The above section helped to illustrate the complex legal environment in which

the WCC must operate, ie a complicated state structure set up by the DPA and the

prevailing ‘rule of ethnicity’ rather than rule of law, which also affects the performance

of local judges and prosecutors, as discussed below.

59

55

A. Alic, Ethnic Hysteria and Status Quo Discrimination in Bosnia, in Radio Free Europe (5 May 2010).

56

For a thorough analysis of the proposed and failed reform see J. Marko, Constitutional Reform in

Bosnia and Herzegovina 2005-06, 5

European Yearbook of Minority Issues

(2006/07).

57

Bosnia’s Gordian Knot: Constitutional Reform,

Europe Briefing N°68

(12 July 2012), available at

http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/europe/balkans/bosnia-herzegovina/b068-bosnias-gordian-

knot-constitutional-reform.aspx (visited 27 April 2014).

58

See eg the comment by the co-counsel for Finci Baldwin that ‘the US, EU and the other states who still

play a major role in Bosnia, should ensure the ruling is put into immediate effect by backing a change

in the constitution’. Quote from

http://www.hrw.org/en/news/2009/12/22/european-court-landmark-

ruling-racial-and-religious-exclusion (visited 14 September 2010). However, elections in October 2010

were again held on the basis of the (discriminatory) constitutional framework established by DPA. As

of July 2014, situations still remains the same.

59

The legal environment in BiH is further complicated by the fragmented criminal legislation with