GAZETTE
JULY-AUGUST
1
practitioners is that they already have the skills to deal
with a considerable part of the work that the poor would
want to bring to lawyers. This applies especially in the
field of matrimonial matters which in most countries is the
largest single item of work in the civil field. Whether this
would be true in a country such as Ireland with its special
attitude to divorce remains to be seen but there can be
little doubt that many of the legal problems of the poor
are the same as those of the middle classes. Legal
difficulties connected with the ownership of property, by
definition, do not greatly affect those who have none but
when property related issues and matters are excluded
research shows that many legal problems affect the social
and economic classes more or less equally/The special
survey done for the English Royal Commission said for
instance that in matters which did not concern property
'the profile of users of lawyers' services by socio-
economic group is not greatly different from that of the
adult population in general'. (
Report of the Royal
Commission on Legal Services,
Cmnd. 7648, Vol. 2, p.
205, para. 8.115). Insofar as private practitioners already
possess the know-how to handle the legal problems of the
poor, it is obviously sensible to employ that experience
rather than to establish new offices with different lawyers.
This is the more true since experience shows that
salaried service in law centres tends to attract young,
enthusiastic but necessarily inexperienced lawyers
whereas legal aid via private practitioners makes use of
the full range of experience in the profession. In the
United States for instance most legal services to the poor
are provided by the few thousand young neighbourhood
law firm lawyers. In England by contrast legal aid is
provided by many more thousands of solicitors and
barristers, including most of the leaders of the profession.
Even Queen's Counsel derive a considerable proportion
of their earnings from legal aid work.
I therefore think it very unfortunate that the Irish
Government's proposed civil legal aid scheme should be
based entirely on salaried lawyers (full-time or part-time),
and that the recommendation of the Pringle Committee
for a mixed system using law centres and private
practitioners should have been rejected. I am a great
supporter of law centres and regard them as an essential
feature of a developed legal aid system but I do not
believe that they should be used to shoulder the main
burden of civil legal aid. Indeed, I am convinced that if
they are used in this way one risks losing the main virtue
of the law centre concept. First, it fails to make use of the
huge resource of the private profession which is more or
less geographically spread to provide a service to the
public. Secondly, the law centres will as a result be
swamped by the kind of work that traditionally comes
into solicitors' offices and as a result will have little time
to undertake the even more valuable work for the broader
community which law centres in England at least see as
their main raison d'etre.
Government's Unease
I sense in the Irish Government's scheme a distinct
unease about legal services that go beyond the narrowest
confines of the relationship between the lawyer and an
individual client. The applicant would be refused a
certificate for legal aid it is said if he is acting in a
representative capacity or where numerous persons have
an interest or where the application is not made in the sole
interest of the applicant but 'is of a kind commonly
described as a test case' (para. 3.2.4, p. 14). It is true that
the document goes on to say that an applicant will not be
refused by reason only of the fact that the proceedings if
successful would benefit other persons, but that in such a
case the Legal Aid Board would assess the applicant to an
additional
contribution
reflecting the
reasonable
participation of such other person. I am bound to say that
if such restrictive conditions had been laid down to guide
law centres in. the United States, Canada, Australia or
England the law centre movement would not have made
the great impact it has as a new model for the provision of
legal
services.Myfear is that the Irish Government's
scheme will achieve the worst of both worlds. The
elimination of the private practitioner from the system will
deprive the citizen of easy access to local lawyers capable
of handling ordinary civil disputes. On the other hand, the
insistence that the law centres engage only in case-work
for individual clients will emasculate the law centre
movement.
English Royal Commission
Admittedly the Royal Commission on Legal Services
in England did take a distinctly frosty tone about the
broader kind of law centre activity. Law centres it said
should confine their activities to providing legal advice
and assistance and representation in regard to legal
problems. Some law centres went beyond this to work for
the community at large or sections of it. They often
sought 'to attack the roots of problems by organising
groups to bear on landlords, local authorities and central
government either to improve working, housing or living
conditions or to urge changes in priorities of public
expenditure' (Vol. 1, p. 83, para. 8.19). Such work the
Royal Commission said was not appropriate for a
salaried legal service. But this part of the Royal
Commission's Report seems to me to be based on a
fundamental misreading of the nature of law centre work.
Of course a line has to be drawn somewhere as to what
work is properly within the scope of a state salaried
lawyer. But if the line is drawn as narrowly as the Royal
Commission suggest much of the point of having law
centres in lost. The law centres in their evidence to the
Royal Commission said that they were increasinly
convinced that work for groups was more important than
work for individuals and that this was where they saw
their main contribution to lie. Unfortunately they did not
give the Royal Commission enough insight into what
kinds of activities they had in mind. It was only after the
Report was published that they produced in their
response to it a long list of examples of law centre work
that ought, they argued, to be permitted.
One law centre for instance had acted for numbers of
parents concerned about the effects on children of lead in
petrol. This led to discussions with the local authority
which eventually agreed to try to ban the sale of petrol
containing lead throughout the borough. Another law
centre helped to push for better conditions in a large doss
house with over a thousand beds and advised on the
residents' rights to medical care, welfare benefits, and
decent housing. A law centre negotiated with the local
authority better conditions in regard to rapair and
security of tenure for all the tens of thousands of council
tenants in the borough. Another got engineers and
surveyors to report on the conditions of highways and
pavements which had fallen into bad repair causing an
unusual number of accidents and as a result persuaded
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