GAZETTE
JULY/AUGUST 1983
Criminal Due Process and the
Definition of Crime
by
T. A. M. Cooney, Lecturer in Law, U.C.D.
I
N this article, I will attempt to sketch the requirements
of criminal due process which limit the legislative
power to define a crime. My focus will concentrate on
the principle of legality and the requirements of
actus reus,
mens rea
and their coincidence. I will also argue that the
principle of proportionality should be regarded as a limita-
tion on the legislative definition of crime. This is,
therefore, an effort to set the stage for the rethinking of the
criminal law in constitutional terms.
The presumption of innocence: a substantive
constitutional imperative
With the recent increase in the volume of cases
concerning the constitutional aspects of criminal
procedure, the Courts have enunciated a variety of
protections for those enmeshed in the criminal process.
1
This constitutional awakening was inspired by the
Supreme Court's divination, in
People(Attorney General)
v. O 'Callaghan,
2
of the true nature of our system of
criminal justice.
In
O'Callaghan,
the Supreme Court reaffirmed the
traditional holding that the fundamental test in deciding
whether to allow bail was the probability of the applicant
evading justice. As Walsh J. declared, "the object of fixing
terms of bail is to make it reasonably assured that the
applicant will surrender at his trial".
3
The Court rejected
the submission that bail should be withheld when the
prosecution was of the opinion that there was a likelihood
of the commission, by the accused person, of offences
while at liberty pending trial. Ó Dálaigh C. J. declared that
the reasoning underlying this submission was a denial of
"the whole basis of our system of law". He inveighed
against its transcending "respect for the requirement that a
man shall be considered innocent until he is found guilty"
and its attempt "to punish him in respect of offences
neither completed nor attempted".
4
In this regard, Walsh
J. was also trenchant:
"The object of bail is neither punitive nor preventative.
From the earliest times it was appreciated that deten-
tion in custody pending trial could be a cause of great
hardship and it is as true now as it was in ancient times
that it is desirable to release on bail as large a number of
accused persons as possible who may safely be released
pending trial. From time to time necessity demands
that some unconvicted persons should be held in
custody pending trial to secure their attendance at the
trial but in such cases "necessity" is the operative test.
The presumption of innocence until conviction is a very real
thing and is not simply a procedural rule taking effect only
at the trial.
In the modern complex society in which we
live the effect of imprisonment upon the private life of
the accused and of his family may be disastrous in its
severe economic consequences to him and his family
dependent upon his earnings from day to day or even
hour to hour. It must also be recognised that imprison-
ment before trial will usually have an adverse effect
upon the prisoner's prospects of acquittal because of the
difficulty, if not the impossibility in many cases, of
adequately investigating the case and preparing the
defence"/
O'Callaghan
understood the accusatorial nature of our
system of criminal justice in which the individual is
adjudged to be the ultimate entity of moral value. It would
be rewarding to elaborate the meaning of this in the
context of the case. Firstly, the presumption of innocence,
the fundamental concept of our accusatorial criminal
process, constitutes a guarantee that the individual may
act according to his or her own dictates in any area of
permitted liberty free from the arbitrary intrusion of
official power. The individual who accuses another of an
offence cannot depend on his accusation alone to transfer
to the accused the burden of proving his innocence but
must first produce reasonable evidence of the past
commission of an offence by the accused and prove the
latter's guilt beyond reasonable doubt. "It represents a
commitment to the proposition that a man who stands
accused of crime is no less entitled than his accuser to
freedom and respect as an innocent member of the
community. Only those deprivations necessary to assure
the progress of the proceedings pending against him —
deprivations which do not rest on any assumption of guilt
— may be squared with this basic postulate of dignity and
equality"/
Secondly, the form of preventive detention favoured by
the State was constitutionally infirm because it relied on an
anticipated danger rather than on a free choice to violate
the law, and also because it depended on a prediction about
the likelihood that the accused would commit offences if
released on bail rather than on a due assessment of events
completed by the accused. The State's submission went
"beyond involuntary detention of the uncontrollably
dangerous and would imprison persons presumptively
able to choose between violating and obeying the prescrip-
tions of the criminal law. To imprison such persons on the
assumption that they will make the wrong choice impairs
personal autonomy in a way that incarceration of the
dangerously ill does not". And since our criminal law
proceeds on the moral premise that individuals make
blameworthy choices in engaging in certain criminal acts,
"the preventive detention of an individual believed
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