The Gazette 1972

of armed conflict. The expansionist policies of the USSR

provided a further need for a power structure in West-

ern Europe capable of escalating the protectionist policy

which was fast becoming a world wide political phil-

osophy. The economic disadvantages of a continent

fragmented by internal barriers was obvious to all,

hence the first step was the creation of the European

Coal and Steel Community. Although this document

and the Treaty of Rome were economic treaties, un-

doubtedly the processes of economic and political unity

are two sides of the same coin.

Political objectives of EEC

In 1969 at the Hague summit the heads of govern-

ments in the Six reaffirmed their belief in the Com-

munities' political objectives. If Ireland becomes a full

member we too will have to affirm our belief in a

politically united Europe, accepting unreservedly the

objectives laid down in the Preamble of the Rome

Treaty.

The European Commission, realising as they do that

an enlarged Community would tas the already over-

burdened European institutions to an unworkable ex-

tent have recommended changes to meet these needs.

One suggestion is that a majority vote should again be

the normal practice of the Council in all fields except

where the Treaty explicitly requires the contrary. It is

at this level that the Irish Government should be divert-

ing its energies with regard to the problems of the

minority in the North of Ireland. If we do join the

E.E.C. it is in the European Parliament that the destiny

of this country will be shaped and that applies to North

and South.

The problem of Northern Ireland

The attitude towards Northern Ireland at the present

time is unrealistic : there are no grounds for supposing

that a United Ireland is imminent. Indeed this suppo-

sition is positively dangerous at the present time. The

aim of an Ireland united by peaceful means is shared

by most Irishmen and this is a long-term aspiration,

but the Community is by definition, the most logical

place to do it, because it is here that economic policies

which are the means by which most injustices are perpe-

trated, will be controlled. The problems of Northern

Ireland are to a large extent economic : the discrim-

ination practised is practised at the one level where it is

likely to be effective, namely job opportunities. Nobody

will accept the continued practice of such discrimin-

ation, but at the same time few would accept a solution

brought about by violence, and violence appears to be

the only means whereby a united Ireland could be

achieved in the near future. In Northern Ireland there

can be no military victory for either the British army

or the I.R.A., because what might seem to be victory on

either side will leave behind a dissatisfied people trained

m the use of arms.

There can be no military solution then, but a political

solution of whatever kind will have profound effects on

the situation in the Republic. Political changes are re-

quired here also, but to date we have shown a marked

reluctance to effect these changes. How can we pre-

tend to be concerned about discrimination in Northern

Ireland if important provisions in our laws and Consti-

tution are also discriminating.

Those resisting change on both sides of the border

deploy the same arguments, with only slight variations.

"We are in the majority. Let democracy prevail. We

don't want these changes and we don't see why others

should want them. Changes will destroy the fabric of

the nation. It's all the work of the I.R.A., Communists,

or the Dublin Liberal establishment." (Which group

you use depending on whether you are John Taylor or

Desmond Fennell.)

Church-State relations

Irish entry to the E.E.C. will have a significant

though subtle effect in the circumstances where the

bulk of the population of the Republic is believed to be

resolutely opposed to any change of the kind needed.

We are entering a Community several of whose mem-

bers have had to face or are now facing the sort of

problems in Church/State relations with which we

must grapple sooner or later. The question of divorce

in Italy becomes much more relevant than it has hither-

to been. Ireland has much more in common with Italy,

from the religious and cultural point of view, than it

has with the industrial, liberal British welfare-state.

The Italian debate is therefore a much more potent

influence than was the abortion debate in Britain.

Irish public opinion will inevitably become more

aware of the other countries of the Community, especi-

ally of those with which Ireland has most in common

politically and culturally, as well as in religion. This

awareness will undoubtedly render more meaningful the

debate about Church and State in Ireland. Member-

ship of the Community will inevitably broaden the

perspective in which the problem is viewed.

The prospective European Government

The Government policy has been somewhat mis-

directed to advocate our right to unity and indepen-

dence while at the same time seeking membership of a

united Europe dedicated to the abolition of State

frontiers and the setting up of a close political union

within the framework of a single Continent is somewhat

of a contradiction in Government policy. President

Pompidou on 21st January 1971 said that if the Euro-

pean Confederation becomes a reality there will inevi-

tably have to be a government whose decisions will be

binding on all states that will be members. The German

Chancellor, Brandt, on 6th July 1971 said that his

generation would one day see the taking of binding

decisions in all those sectors that would be organised in

common. So a European Government may in the not

so distant future become a reality. The British White

Paper estimated that the Community budget would, by

1977, total some £1,000 million. It would be exceedingly

dangerous to allow the Commission or the Council to

dispose of this money without some form of parlia-

mentary control. The Dutch have long campaigned for

a European Parliament with teeth in it. If and when

Ireland does become a member of an enlarged Com-

munity, we will be represented in these institutions

which are responsible for the shaping of Europe's future.

If a European Parliament is established with the power

to bind its members to decisions of that Parliament, it

is possible that a united Ireland might be achieved in

this manner, particularly since the importance of Great

Britain within the context of Northern Ireland is the

extent to which the North is receiving subsidies from

that country, subsidies which the Irish Government

cannot, at present, afford in the South, but which can

he provided from Brussels if we join the Community.

Ireland will be regarded as one of the less favoured

nations and everv indication seems to point to the

supposition that the whole island will be treated as one

economic unit for the purposes of our future devel-

opment.

Ill