Previous Page  71 / 294 Next Page
Information
Show Menu
Previous Page 71 / 294 Next Page
Page Background

Supreme Court that is the end of the matter for all

time, as the decision is not open to review (Article

34.3.3). (3) As a result of Article 26.2.2 only the decision

of the majority is delivered and this by a single judge.

No other opinion whether assenting or dissenting is

permitted. The Constitution deserves amendment to

deal with these criticisms. The first criticism could be

met by conferring on the President an additional power

to enable him to refer an Act to the Supreme Court

within a year or so of its being brought into operation,

as distinct from its enactment. He would retain his

present power of referring Bills as obviously some Bills

by their very nature need not be put into. practice to

decide on their constitutionality, but would also have

this additional power. The second criticism was consid-

ered by the Committee on the Constitution in the

following words: "The best solution would be to retain

the existing provisions with an amendment to the effect

that the Supreme Court decision could be challenged

in further legal proceedings after a period of say seven

years. This would provide some answer to the criticism

that the existing arrangements have the effect of calci-

fying the law for all time, and it would be in harmony

with the abandonment of Stare Decisis for ordinary

proceedings." Finally I believe that judges should have

the opportunity to express their opinions as freely as

they do in the United States, and as recommended by

the Committee on Court Practice and Procedure.

Danger of administrative tribunals

It is a reasonable assumption that any revised Con-

stitution would again be founded on the doctrine of

the separation of powers. The growth on a large scale

in our society of administrative tribunals frightens me.

These are undoubtedly dangerous symptoms of a disease

—the ever-increasing encroachment by the adminis-

trators and the executive into the judicial domain. This

disease ought to be checked in its prime before it

becomes cancerous. I would recommend as a remedial

measure the same cure enunciated by the Editor when

he wrote in the

Gazette

in July/August 1971, namely

the appointment as chairmen of these tribunals of

experienced legal practitioners such as Senior Counsel.

This would ensure a degree of rationality to the pro-

ceedings and bring them more in line with the

spirit of the Constitution. It may, however, produce

some difficulties with the text of the Constitution which

declares in Article 34 that "Justice shall be adminis-

tered in courts established by law by judges appointed

in the manner provided by the Constitution." There

are other improvements which should be made to

ensure the independence of the judicial arm of State.

A better system of appointing judges is the most often

cited. It would seem that the best alternative method so

far suggested is that the Government should appoint

whoever meets jointly with their approval as well as

that of the Bar Council and of the Council of the

Incorporated Law Socitv. Clauses should be added to

the present provisions for appointment which would

firstly fix the number of judges there are to be in the

Supreme Court and would also provide that the age of

retirement of a iudge, irrespective of any change in the

law after he had taken office, would be the age limit in

force on his taking office.

Human Rights

The second part of my paper is concerned with

"Human Rights"—a topic which, since the last war, has

received considerable attention from both governments

and international bodies as a result of the atrocities

perpetrated during arid immediately after that war and

the fear of Communism particularly after the Russian

invasion of Czechoslovakia in 1948. In 1948 the United

Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights was

issued and 1949 saw the foundation of the Council of

Europe which was to lead to the European Convention

on Human Rights signed in Rome in 1950. The ques-

tion of Fundamental Rights is to the fore in the Six

Counties at the present time. Many people have advo-

cated the drawing up of a Bill of Rights as a major

contribution towards a solution. The Irish Government

has brought the British Government before the Com-

mission of Human Rights in Strasbourg in regard to

specified violations of human rights by British forces in

the Six Counties. The importance of this topic cannot

be over-emphasised.

State of emergency suspends Constitution

Articles 40 to 44 of our Constitution set out the

Fundamental Rights. While these Articles were com-

mendable at the time when the Constitution was adopted

some flaws have since appeared and it would seem that

in the modern world they are far from adequate. Let us

first protest at such an abhorrent Article as Article

28.3.3 by which we are, even at this very moment, living

in the Republic of Ireland in a "State of Emergency".

When it is invoked it prevents anything in the Consti-

tution from being used to invalidate any law enacted by

the Oireachtas—or in simple terms the Constitution can

be suspended. Such an Article makes nonsense of the

Constitution and must find no permanent place in a

revised document.

Importance of Natural Law

Assuming that item 28.3.3 disappears it would be

necessary that the Fundamental Rights articles be exten-

ded to cover "all persons" and not just "citizens". It

was stated in the High Court in

The State (Nicolaou) v

The Adoption Board

(1966) I.R., that any rights

guaranteed to "citizens" as opposed to "persons" could

only be availed of by Irish citizens. It seems hard to

see why the liberties of our citizens alone should be

protected but not those of others, as surely these rights

ae basic to the human person. There is little doubt but

that a revised Constitution should contain an express

recognition of the natural law—a vague reference to it

in the Preamble seems insufficient. We note with satis-

faction that our courts are returning to this concept in

recent years. It seemed at first that Chief Justice

Kennedy's dissenting judgment in

The State (Ryan) v

Lennon

(1935) I.R., had fallen on stony ground but

there has been a reappraisal and such cases as

MacDon-

ald v Bord na gCon

(1965) I.R., and

Macauley v

Minister for Posts and Telegraphs

(1966) I.R. 345,

demonstrate that the Bench is again actively engaged

in a more dvnamic way in guarding the natural rights

of the people. Such a recognition in our fundamental

law could be used by the Courts to enable them to give

more equitable decisions. There are obvious cases of

iniustice and the system of Equity as we know it today

is in its own way as rigid as the Common Law. These

two systems should be fully integrated and a new Equity

allowed to flourish using as its basis the Constitution

and all that is guaranteed therein. Is not "justice" to

be administered in the courts? Perhaps the most liberal

and reasonable interpretation of the fundamental rights

articles was triven by Mr. Justice Kenny in

Rvan v A.G-

(1965)—the famous "fluoridation case". He declared in

the course of his judgment, that, apart from the Funda-

mental Rights formally listed in the Constitution, all

those riehts which resulted from the Christian and

democratic nature of the State were implied therein-

70