Constitutional Implications of the
Third Amendment Bill
by FRANKLIN O'SULLIVAN, LL.B. (Solicitor)
Delivered at Nullamore University Residence on February 24th
The Government's proposal to amend a number of
Articles of the Constitution by way of an addition to
Article 29 raises initially the question whether this
method of amendment is itself constitutional or morally
just and the Courts should be asked to give a ruling on
the issue before the amendment is submitted to the
people for decision by way of referendum. Article 46
of the Constitution allows for amendment by way of
variation, addition or repeal. The amendment, how-
ever, in effect proposes to alter unspecified sections of
the Constitution by adding to Article 29 a sub-section
which enables the State to accede to the European
Goal and Steel Community, European Atomic Energy
Community and the European Economic Community
(EEC) and states that "no provisions of this Constitu-
tion invalidates laws enacted, acts done or measures
adopted by the State necessitated by the obligations of
membership of the Communities or prevents laws enac-
ted, acts done or measures adopted by the Communities,
or institutions thereof, from having the force of law in
the State."
People should know precisely extent of amendments
It seems, to say the least, contrary to the spirit of
constitutional amendments, to leave the people uncer-
tain of the extent to which their fundamental law will
be altered or possibly abrogated by the measure to
which the Government is seeking assent. The interpre-
tation of the amendment ultimately will not lie with our
own Courts but with the Court established under the
Treaty of Rome.
Our national role in world peacemaking as a neutral
nation may be irrevocably lost; our claim that Ireland
is a thirty-two county island may be abrogated, and our
fundamental rights in the fields of religion, freedom of
association, family and property may be affected. The
proposals by Dr. Mansholt to withdraw family allow-
ances from large families demonstrate that those rights
will in fact be affected seriously. We should as a people
be fully aware of the extent and meaning of the consti-
tutional consequences which will flow from this Third
Amendment Bill. Our legislators in failing to demand
this clarification are failing in their public responsibility
and when elected leaders fail in their responsibilities the
people, on the record of history, have a habit of seeking
leaders who will not fail them.
Article 235 of the Treaty of Rome
In the longer term view we must be seriously con-
cerned by the provisions of Article 235 of the Treaty of
Rome which confers on the Council of Ministers the
right to enact, on the recommendation of the Commis-
sioners, any legislation necessary to achieve the (psycho-
logically unattainable) aim of economic harmony, under
the Treaty.
This clause has been described as Henry VIII clause
which, under the Statute of Proclamations passed in
1539, conferred on the King the right to set forth
proclamations with legislative effect. It was repealed in
the reign of Edward the Sixth because it was contrary
to the whole tenor of the Common Law. We are now
asked to consent to its reintroduction despite our un-
savoury experience with executive orders under the
coercion acts and our unceasing efforts to bring execu-
tive action under the control of a supreme constitu-
tional law. This is far too serious to be approved under
a general amendment as proposed in the present Bill
now passed by Dail and Seanad.
Methods of constitutional alteration
Looking to the future we must observe that Consti-
tutions are altered by more than formal amendments.
Judicial review, usage and convention, ecological devel-
opment, semantic evolution, all contribute to constitu-
tional change. Marx saw economics as the determinant
of man's condition but as a Christian people we have
never accepted this simplification but, following the
Papal Social Encyclicals, we have seen that defects in
man's condition are not due to a simple cause—whether
economic, spiritual or psychological. The various aspects
are inter-related and as Erich Fromm has brilliantly
shown "only by simultaneous changes in the sphere of
industrial and political organisation, of spiritual and
philosophical orientation, of character structure and of
cultural activities" can sanity and mental health be
achieved.
In 1864 a commentator saw that the transition from
mother and daughter power to water and steam power
was a great one—"greater by far than many have as yet
begun to conceive, one that is to carry with it a com-
plete revolution of domestic life and social manners."
Radical transplant of Constitution
In the proposed amendment we are asked to accept a
radical and untried transplant which subjects our Con-
stitution to the over-riding control of an economic
organisation. We must sincerely hope that by agreeing
to this radical surgery we are not submitting our lives
to a change which is "greater by far than many have
as yet begun to conceive."
Hitherto we have relied on our Courts to protect
our constitutional rights. We do not have the strong
democratic maturity of the Swiss people who do not
rely on the Courts in these matters but use instead their
right of initiative in referenda.
The style of our Constitution with its strong emphasis
on the spiritual dimensions of society is to be remoulded
in the procrustean design of a new Brussels bureaucracy
and a semi-secret Council of Ministers.
As societies pass through and beyond the mass-con-
sumption style of living, man may look forward to the
creation, in Rostows imaginative phrase, of "new inner
frontiers in substitution for the imperatives of scarcity.
Before subjecting our Constitution to the imperatives
of current economic theory, we should satisfy ourselves,
before we take that irrevocable constitutional decision,
that we are not submitting the supreme law of our land
to a deadly metamorphosis which will deprive us of our
freedom to act in accordance with our style and ex-
pressed aspirations, and which will have uncontrollable,
unhealthy and unpredictable effects on our society, on
our culture and in our personal lives.
84




