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GAZETTE

SEPTEMBER 1981

they have abandoned their professional independence for

a system which is not conducive to speaking their minds

on the obvious inadequacies within it. Those who have

raised questions of public importance in relation to their

work and the care of their patients have, until quite

recently, been censured for "bringing the service into

disrepute". Usually failing to achieve the improvements

they have sought for their patients, such staff have, on

humanitarian grounds, felt compelled to continue treating

them, even though in inadequate conditions. Whilst, until

quite recently, this has produced a sense of defensive

apathy on the part of staff, it is becoming increasingly

clear that today's more professionally confident and

independently-minded staff are no longer prepared to

tolerate these restrictions at the expense of the better

welfare and treatment of their patients.

The Solution

The single most important first step is a commitment by

Central Government to a policy for the development and

vigorous implementation of an alternative comprehensive

community-based psychiatric and geriatric service which,

in the best interests 'of a humanitarian and effective

approach to patient care, will phase out unnecessary and

excessive institutional containment of mentally disabled

people.

Implicit in this policy is the requirement that Central

Government have the courage to make ah entirely fresh

approach to the whole question of funding chronically

under-resourced but socially important public sector

facilities, such as the services for the mentally ill, the

mentally handicapped and the elderly. By co-operation

between Central Government, the Health Boards and the

various voluntary organisations, it would be possible to

arrange an investment programme financed along the

lines of the public sector investment plan for the purpose

of developing these services. Such an innovative approach

is necessary to fund these Poor Law public sector services

which have traditionally fared worse in the allocation of

capital resources by the Government.

There is a need for considerable reform at

administrative, political and legal level. The ad-

ministrative and policy-making structures in the De-

partment of Health must be revised so that the re-

quirements of the mentally disabled are not ignored in

the competition with stronger voices for available

resources. At local level, greater autonomy for policy-

making and effective control over resources and services

must be returned to the Health Boards. Indeed, rather

than see the present unsatisfactory system continue, it

would be preferable to explore the possibility of extending

the concept of "privatisation" of the public sector health

service in a different way. Rather than seeing the public

sector continuing at the bottom of a two-tier health

service, it might be preferable to modify the role of the

public sector so that it, too, can evolve into a number of

different semi-statutory or voluntary-type bodies, with a

responsibility for a defined area of service and control

over management of the budget and service occurring at

local level, under the supervision of local boards of

management.

At a political level, the development of an egalitarian

social order requires, in a spirit of pragmatic altruism,

that politicians will give positive leadership in areas in

which, up to now, there has been no apparent immediate

political reward.

In conclusion, it is perhaps appropriate to turn to the

potential role waiting to be played by the legal profession

and the judicial process in securing and developing the

rights and entitlements of the mentally disabled. As a

member of a Health Board which has invested a

considerable amount of time and energy of its members in

planning the development of better services for the

mentally ill, the mentally handicapped and the elderly, I

have become progressively more frustrated and angry at

the lack of response and, indeed, at the sustained

resistance and opposition to change and improvements in

the Mental Health Service demonstrated by the

Department of Health. Convinced that the mentally

disabled possessed the rights and entitlements which I

have earlier articulated and confident that these rights

were enshrined explicitly or implicitly in statutory law or

in the Constitution, I decided to read the Health Acts and

the Constitution.

The Health Acts, cumulatively, amount to a simple

Catch 22 in which the Health Board is compelled to

provide services, but in which its responsibilities do not

extend beyond providing them to the level of resources

provided by the Minister and his department. Conversely,

the Minister and his department do not have the statutory

responsibility to provide the services, only the resources,

and therefore they do not seem to be liable for the

deficiency in the service provided. It seemed a simple

matter therefore to identify that article of the

Constitution, which every schoolboy and schoolgirl

knows is the keystone of fair play handed down to us by

Pearse and his colleagues, in which the State "undertakes

to cherish all the children of the nation equally". There

turned out to be but one problem — to an amateur, and

at first reading, there seemed to be no such article in our

Constitution. To my amazement, somewhere between

Padraig Pearse and the drafting of the first and second

Constitutions of this country, such a fundamental concept

was edited out of the Constitution — no doubt by a keen-

eyed civil servant who anticipated well the trouble In

which such frank idealism would land him and future

Ministers in the decades ahead.

I believe that the series of Constitutional cases which

have been heard in America in the past 7 years or so will

prove to have a very significant bearing on the

development of our mental health services. The landmark

cases of

Wyatt

v.

Stickney, Donaldson v. O'Connor,

Dickson v. Weinberger

and

Halderman

v.

Pennhurst

provide, at the most, case authorities for the guidance of

Irish courts and, at the least, considerable encouragement

that it is worth testing our Constitution in the courts to

seek, if necessary, to vindicate the rights and entitlement,

of the mentally disabled.

These cases successively established that it was a

"violation of the very fundamentals of due process" to

deprive any citizen of their liberty for the purposes of

treatment and then to fail to provide adequate levels of

treatment; that a court could order a Government to

finance the establishment of alternative care and

treatment facilities; that a court could order a State to

make plans to provide for the development of community

services for residents in inhumane institutions; and that a

court would uphold an action against professional staff in

an institution in which a patient has been detained without

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