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GAZETTE

JANUARY/FEBRUARY 1978

Solicitors' Apprentices' Debating Society of Ireland

Inaugural Meeting, Friday 27 th January, 1978.

Inaugural Address on "Patronage and the Law"

delivered by

Michael D. Murphy, B.C.L., Auditor, 1977/78.

The 94th Inaugural Meeting of the Society was held in

Blackball Place on Friday, 27th January, 1978, at 8 p.m.

In the absence of the President abroad, Mrs. Moya

Quinlan, Junior Vice-President, presided. The minutes of

the previous Meeting were then read with the customary

humour and irrelevancies.

The Vice-President then presented the following

awards for the 93rd Session:—

Oratory -

Incorporated Law Society's Gold Medal:

Cliona O'Tuama; Society's Silver Medal: Declan

Sherlock.

Legal Debate

- President's God Medal: Cliona

O'Tuama; Society's Silver Medal: Declan Sherlock.

Impromptu Speeches

- Vice-President's Gold Medal:

Maria Durand; Society's Silver Medal: Niall King and

Declan Sherlock.

Irish Debate -

Society's Parchment: David Clayton.

First Year Speeches

- Society's Silver Medal: Not

awarded.

Replica of Auditorial Insignia -

Ciaran A. O'Mara,

B.C.L.

Mrs. Quinlan then called on the Auditor, Mr. Michael

D. Murphy, B.C.L., to deliver his Inaugural Address on

Patronage and the Law.

"PATRONAGE AND THE LAW"

The Irish Judiciary and legal profession are jealous of

their independence which has been hard won from the

Executive over several centuries.

However this same independence of mind and action is

threatened by a practice which seemingly has the support

of the vast majority of the Judiciary and the legal

profession.

The existence of patronage and its close relationship

with the legal system is an issue deserving of far wider

discussion and debate than it enjoys at the moment. For

the purpose of this paper it is intended to discuss the

position under two headings. Firstly, the area of judicial

appointments, which is clearly the major area of

controversy. Secondly, the area of the distribution of State

Briefs amongst barristers, an area which has lately seen

interesting developments. The appointment of Judges in

this country is, under the Constitution, the duty of the

President; but under Article 13.9 of the Constitution this

function is exercisable only on the advice of the

Government. In effect therefore, it is the Government that

appoints the Judiciary.

It is a fundamental constitutional principle of a

democracy such as ours that there should be separate

powers; that is, that the three branches of Government —

the Executive, Parliament, and the Judiciary should be

separate and independent. Where there is a failure to

separate these three branches of Government from one

another, especially the Judiciary from the other two

branches of Government, then one has all the ingredients

necessary for the restriction of democracy.

It is important, therefore, that the Judiciary and the

people who work the courts system, namely solicitors and

barristers, should remain free from excessive control and

interference from the Executive.

Writing of the position in England, Mr. Justice Megarry

observed that "the system of appointment to judicial office

in England is about as English as it could be; theoretically it

is open to great abuse, but in practice it works extremely

well". Mr. Justice Megarry's remarks are equally

applicable to Ireland, except insofar as the danger of abuse

is even greater here.

A former Lord Chancellor, Lord Gardiner has said that

"it is of considerable importance that a method of

appointment which has proved so satisfactory should not

be altered". The question for discussion therefore, is

whether we should keep a system which has worked well

despite the dangers inherent in it, or whether we ought to

adopt some other system which may have its own defects

and few of the advantages of the present system.

Under the present system few are appointed to the

Judiciary who have not at some time before their

appointment been associated with, if not actively involved

in the political party then in Government. Nevertheless I do

not wish to be understood as suggesting that any member

of the present Judiciary acts or has acted in any way other

than a member of the Judiciary ought to act. This

disclaimer brings to mind what one cynic in the Law

Library is reported to have said some years ago: "there are

no bad Judges, there have been bad Judges, and there will

be bad Judges, but there are no bad Judges".

The procedure for appointment to the Judiciary in

England is not in all respects identical to ours. There, the

members of the Law Lords and the Court of Appeal are

appointed by the Queen on the advice of the Prime

Minister. The ordinary High Court Judges are appointed

by the Queen on the advice of the Lord Chancellor. The

Lord Chancellor is an anomolous office. He is a political

creature and a Member of the Cabinet, and may sit in the

House of Lords as a Judge. However, the Lord

Chancellor's Department, under the supervision of the

Permanent Secretary, maintains records of potential

candidates for the High Court and for the lower Judicial

Officers. This is a function which apparently is not carried

out in Ireland, both because appointments are generally

party political and also because there is no exact

corresponding office here to that of the Lord Chancellor in

England.

While generally speaking judicial appointments in

England at the present day are made on the sole basis of

merit, this was not always the case. In particular, Lord

Halsbury, several times Lord Chancellor at the end of the

last century was believed to have appointed to the bench,

"too many men whose only claim seemed to be faithful

party service in the House of Commons". This practice

received unfavourable reaction, and it is said that when

Lord Halsbury recommended Lord Lindlay to be the

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