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GAZETTE
OCTOBER 1977
Burke's
case also considered the internment procedure
in relation to Article 40.4.1, which guarantees the liberty
of the citizen "save in accordance with law". Gavan
Duffy J. interpreted this qualification by reference to Article
40.3.1, 2:
3.1 The State guarantees in its laws to respect and, as
far as possible, by its laws to defend and vindicate the
personal rights of the citizen
3.2 The State shall, in particular, by its laws protect as
best it may from unjust attack, and in the case of
injustice done, vindicate the life, person, good name
and property rights of every citizen.
He posited the view that the right could only be abrogated
in accordance with a law which respected the
fundamental right of the citizen to personal liberty,
defended and vindicated it as far as practicable, and
protected his person from unjust attack. A law for the
internment of a citizen, without charge or hearing, outside
the great protection of criminal jurisprudence and outside
even the special courts, for activities calculated to
prejudice the State
"does not respect his right to personal liberty and
does unjustly attack his person . . . (it) does not
defend his right to personal liberty as far as
practicable, first, because it does not bring him
before a real Court and again because there is no
impracticability in telling a suspect, before ordering
his internment, what is alleged against him . . ."
20
The Constitution, in Gavan Duffy J.'s estimation, solemnly
recognised the right to personal freedom as an essential
basis of the social structure of a society of free men, and
despite its emergency provisions, it secured personal
freedom as truly as did Magna Carta.
The majority of the Supreme Court per Sullivan C. J.
again differed with Gavan Duffy J. ip considering these
arguments. I referred earlier to opposing forces of
individual freedom and social order, and the Court in
1940 was prepared to subjugate the dignity and freedom
of the individual to the promotion of the common good, the
attainment and maintenance of social order. It delegated
to the Oireachtas the duty of determining the extent to
which the rights of any particular citizen, or class of
citizens, can properly be harmonised with the rights of the
citizens as a whole, and opted for a narrowly legalistic
interpretation of the phrase "in accordance with law":
" . . . it means in accordance with the law as it exists
at the time when the particular Article is invoked
and sought to be applied. In this Article (40.4.1), it
means the law as it exists when the legality of the
detention arises for determination. A person in
custody is detained in accordance with law if he is
detained in accordance with the provisions of a
statute duly passed by the Oireachtas; subject
always to the qualification that such provisions are
not repugnant to the Constitution or to any
provision thereof."
21
The Judges in the 1940 Supreme Court received their
legal education under the British system of parliamentary
sovereignty, and the concept of a judge interfering in the
duly-enacted legislation of Parliament must have seemed
intellectually repellent to them. Although the Judiciary
still concedes the prerogative of the Oireachtas to
164
circumscribe personal rights in time of national
emergency, they have developed an activist function in
determining and upholding rights at other times. There is
little doubt that the modern Supreme Court would
reproduce Gavan Duffy's reasoning in Burke's case to
strike down internment without trial as arranged in the
1940 Act, declaring it offensive to the constitutional
guarantees of personal liberty. A foreshadowing of such a
development appeared in the review under Article 26 of
the Emergency Powers Bill, 1976, when the Court
commented that statutes making such serious inroads on
civil liberty demanded very strict construction. Its
vigilance in scrutinizing legislation of this character
necessarily leads one to infer that the present Supreme
Court would unhesitantly strike down legislation
analogous to the 1940 model in terms of content and
manner of enactment. It is interesting to note that the
Court held that because of the exemption granted by
Article 28.3.3, emergency Bills referred to it by the
President under Article 26 were inescapable of being
struck down on the grounds of repugnancy to the
Constitution.
The European Court of Human Rights in the Lawless
Case examined the justifiability of the internment
measure. The existence of an emergency was held to have
been reasonably deduced by the Irish Government in the
circumstances, and what is relevant to internment is the
limiting of the derogation under Article 15 of the
Convention to the "extent justified by the exigencies of
the situation." The Special Criminal Courts or the more
extreme power in Article 38 (4) of the Constitution for
military tribunals in time of war or armed rebellion
constituted alternatives to internment. The Court took the
view that the ordinary, special or military courts would
not suffice to restore order, chiefly because of difficulties
encountered in the collation of evidence for convictions.
Possible sealing of the border was considered and
rejected. The Court undoubtedly made a subconscious
distinction between measures which were effective, a
category into which sealing of the border and in-
ternment both fitted, and measures which were justifiable,
a category including only internment. Sir Humphrey
Waldock believed that Special Criminal Courts might
have been effective, but conceded that the Irish
Government had a "margin of appreciation" in the
circumstances. Military courts were considered most
objectionable of all, and were for that reason excluded
from the hypothesis. The Court offered no explanation of
why the derogations from Article 6 resulting from the use
of military courts were worse than those from Article 5 of
the Convention consequent on internment. Furthermore,
it is not clear that sealing the border would have involved
derogation from any provision of the Convention despite
the view of the Court that it would have had extremely
serious repercussions on the population as a whole,
beyond the extent required by the exigencies of the
emergency, The Diplock Commission
22
considered the
similar choice open to the Government in Northern
Ireland when faced with the problem of securing
witnesses, between radically altering their judicial
procedures or continuing to use internment. In order to
preserve the reputation of the judiciary in a divided
community, their Report advised that no ordinary court
should derogate from the minimum standards of fair trial
codified in Article 6 of the European Convention.
In his book,
Taking Rights Seriously,
Prof. Ronald
Dworkin argues that a government "professing to
(concluded on p. 172)