GAZETTE
SEPTEMBER 1981
qualified lawyer who does not take individual cases) was
employed by F . L . A . C. to lisaise with local groups and
pinpoint problems requiring attention. Thus, a campaign
was undertaken on the following issues: firstly, Deserted
Wives Allowances and the issue of split payments;
secondly, a survey on the operation of Barring Orders in
family disputes, particularly with regard to their
enforcement; thirdly, the divorce issue was discussed by
the Management Committee which, in December 1978,
decided to organise a public meeting to press for the
introduction of divorce legislation. The campaign is n ow
carried on through the medium of the Divorce Action
Group.
It is precisely this aspect of the Centre's work which
both the Minister for Justice and his Department have
refused to accept, let alone encourage. It would appear
that such people desire to see only a steady increase in the
number of cases dealt with, so that those running the
Centre b e c ome so totally preoccupied with running from
Court to appointment and back again, that there should
be no time to research the Centre's effectiveness nor to
consider potential test cases. Due to this clash with the
Department of Justice, the Centre has had major financial
difficulties. The day of reckoning arrived with the
introduction of the Government's Legal Aid Scheme in
August, 1980. Politically, the Coolock Community Law
Centre was well located in the constituency of the then
Taoiseach and, with the tragedy at the Stardust Club in
February 1981, the Centre's existence seems assured for
the foreseeable future, given that the Centre's Solicitor has
been appointed by the Government to represent relatives of
the disaster victims. Yet, the Minister's lack of flexibility
and imagination does not augur well for the chances of
setting up further Community Law Centres in other parts
of the country. For example, a suggestion in 1979 that a
Law Centre should be set up in the borough of Dun
Laoghaire was rejected out of hand by the Minister, despite
widespread support locally for the idea.
The Pringle Report
When the Pringle Committee made its Report to the
Minister for Justice in December 1977, it also lent its
voice to the demand for the setting up of further
Community Law Centres to be staffed on a full-time basis
and which, in addition to casework, would "participate in
any appropriate activities in the Community which would
be likely to enhance the status of the centre and would be
consistent with the provision of a comprehensive legal aid
and advice service for the Community."
4
The Committee
also suggested a parallel panel system calling on the skills
of private practitioners who would take cases after a
means test, to be re imbursed thereafter by a Legal Aid
Fund — such a scheme has operated successfully in the
U . K. for many years. In addition, such lawyers should be
permitted to give £ 15 worth of legal advice without first
carrying out the means test. N o readily available
explanation can be offered for the Government's decision
to ignore completely the findings of an expert committee
which, after 3 | years deliberation, produced a worthy
289-page report (which even included a Draft Legal Aid
bill, begging introduction). And yet now the Pringle
Report is merely of historical interest.
The story might well have ended here but for the
courage and tenacity of one Cork woma n, Mrs. Johanna
Airey who in 1973 decided to bring a case against Ireland
in the European Court of Human Rights in Strasbourg.
Using the individual petition procedure, Mrs. Airey
claimed that she had no "effective and practical" access
to a court, while realising that the right to free legal aid in
civil proceedings was not as such, guaranteed by Article 6
of the Convention. Since 1972, Mrs. Airey had attempted
to obtain a decree of judicial separation in the High Court
against her allegedly violent husband. She could not
afford to pay the legal costs (estimated at between £ 5 0 0-
£ 1,000, depending on whether the action was contested)
and by the same token was unable to find a solicitor
prepared to handle her case without the guarantee of
costs being forthcoming. The Court finally gave its
judgment in October 1 9 7 9, finding Ireland in breach of
the Human Rights Convention. The following day the
Government issued a statement that there was "a definite
Government commitment as far as the availability of civil
legal aid is concerned". In fact Counsel gave the Court an
assurance at the hearing that a Legal Aid Scheme would be
introduced. Most critics would agree that such a
commitment appeared singularly lacking when F . L . A . C.
sought support and this was so even with Mrs. Airey's case
pending in Strasbourg; acute embarrassment was covered
with rhetoric.
Scheme for Civil Legal Aid and Advice
T o get off the European hook, the Government was
now forced to introduce a cheap, quick remedy. Thus in
December 1 9 7 9, the Minister for Justice laid before the
Dáil a Scheme for Civil Legal Aid and Advice, a short
89-page booklet which makes dry reading after the liberal
Pringle Report. In it, the Minister recommended a
Scheme bearing no resemblance to the recommendations
of the earlier expert Committee. Instead of dealing in
"rights" and "needs," it is couched in the language of the
dispensary system. Whereas the medical service has now
progressed at last to the 'Choice of Doctor Scheme,' the
Minister for Justice in his own wisdom and without public
debate sought to and succeeded in institutionalising a
'Poor Law' system of delivering legal services. The
scheme was not introduced as a Bill in Dáil Éireann,
rather on an administrative basis, so bypassing the demo-
cratic process. The Scheme has overlooked the private
profession — the country's greatest legal resource —
preferring to set up so-called "Law Centres" working
parallel to private practitioners, staffed by full-time
lawyers, who will deal exclusively with poor people's
problems. As the lawyers only have a mandate to engage
in orthodox casework, the use of the word "Law Centre"
is confusing, perhaps deliberately so.
The seven centres which opened their doors to the
public in August 1 9 80 are located in Cork, Limerick,
Waterford, Ga l wa y, Sligo and two in Dublin. To date, the
Cork Centre has dealt with some 4 0 0 cases while the
Dublin centres are inundated with clients and, despite
taking on extra staff, have had to refuse further work for
a time. At last the worst cases are being handled by
qualified lawyers — the battered wives have a refuge;
indeed s ome 6 5% of all cases handled in the Cork centre
concern marital problems. F . L . A . C. has, incidentally,
ceased to take further casework and thus the load has
been transferred to the new Law Centres. A team of
dedicated young lawyers have been employed and g o od
work is being done. What causes concern nevertheless, is
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