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EMIL RUFFER
CYIL 5 ȍ2014Ȏ
lending capacity of € 500 billion. The Eurozone got its ‘firewall’, but it was built
from the outside and with public international law instruments. Nevertheless, such
approach seemed to be fit for its purpose and was complemented and interlinked
with another treaty outside the EU framework which was designed to secure fiscal
stability and balanced public budgets of its Contracting Parties.
3. Treaty on Stability, Cooperation and Governance – intergovernmental
method by default?
The TSCG was signed on 2 March 2012 by the leaders of (then) all 17 euro area
members and 8 other EU Member States,
15
and entered into force on 1 January 2013.
The TSCG builds on the budgetary rules outlined in the Stability and Growth Pact
but adds one further important element. The signatory Member States agreed, pursuant
to Art. 3(2) TSCG, to implement a balanced budget rule in their national legislation
through permanent and binding provisions, preferably of a constitutional nature.
The Fiscal Treaty was negotiated at the turn of 2011 and 2012, during the peak
of the ‘sovereign debt crisis’ and economic recession, when the interest rates for states’
borrowing on the financial markets reached unacceptable levels and some of the
Member States faced difficulty in financing their public finance debt. The purpose
of the TSCG was to calm the financial markets as swiftly as possible and to present
a binding instrument for fiscal discipline and budgetary stabilisation (mainly) in the
Eurozone. The main elements of the TSCG are as follows.
Title III of the TSCG, entitled ‘Fiscal Compact’, aims at limiting deficits of public
finances. Under the rule in Art. 3(1) TFEU, annual structural government deficit
must not exceed 0.5% of GDP. The deficit must also be in line with the country-
specific minimum benchmark figure for long-term sustainability, which is set by the
preventive arm of the Stability and Growth Pact. Further, according to Art. 3(1)
(e), the Contracting Parties must implement an automatic correction mechanism,
i.e. to introduce measures
to
reduce the budget deficit
in the event of a significant
deviation from the agreed benchmark figure for long-term sustainability. The deadline
for implementation of this mechanism was, according to Art. 3(2) TSCG, set by the
end of 2013: “
The rules [on limiting the public deficit] set out in paragraph 1 shall
take effect in the national law of the Contracting Parties
at the latest one year after
the entry into force of this Treaty
through provisions of binding force and permanent
character – preferably constitutional – or otherwise guaranteed to be fully respected and
adhered to throughout the national budgetary processes.
”
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Only the Czech Republic and the United Kingdom declined to sign the Fiscal Treaty, but each for
different reasons. However, both the Czech and UK governments had a rather difficult time in conveying
their specific reasons to their EU partners and the general public. In the case of the Czech Republic, not
only the ‘innocent bystanders’ had to struggle to comprehend the conflicting statements which the then
prime minister, Mr. Petr Nečas (member of the Civic Democratic Party – ODS), was making, but even
the major coalition partner in the government, the TOP 09 party and its foreign minister, Mr. Karel
Schwarzenberg, apparently disagreed with the implausible reasons given in official statements (such as
difficulties with “unclear ratification procedure”).