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GAZETTE

JUNE 1980

whatever its precise meaning — is not an absolute one (in

any event we would not expect it to be). A legitimate

interference with its exercise may be permitted by 'law';

presumably this is not the only form such interference

may take.

In the later case of

Educational Co. of Ireland v.

Fitzpatrick

[19611 I.R. 345, 397, Kingsmill Moore J.

said in the Supreme Court that

'The right to dispose of one's labour and to

withdraw it seems to me a fundamental personal

right, which, though not specifically mentioned in

the Constitution as being guaranteed, is a right of

a nature which I cannot see to have been adversely

affected by anything within the intendment of the

Constitution'.

These

dicta

suggest that a fundamental personal right to

strike exists outside the Constitution and that it is simply

'not adversely affected' by those rights within. The judge

may have had in mind the (incorrectly styled) common

law 'right' which derives from the various statutory

immunities conferred on those taking part in industrial

action. The

Educational Co.

case was decided before the

celebrated High Court judgment of Kenny J. in

Ryan v.

A.G.

[1965] I.R. 294. If one is dealing with a

fundamental personal right, as Kingsmill Moore J.

certainly suggests, it could be argued today that it falls

within the category of personal rights in Article 40.3.1°.

The case for a personal right to strike can be put in terms

of social ethics: O. Kahn-Freund and B. Hepple:

Laws

Against Strikes

(Fabian Research Series, no. 305, 7). If

people may not withdraw their labour, this may mean the

law compels them to work. A legal compulsion to work

would be abhorrent to the Irish system of law with its

constitutional tradition of guaranteed human rights and

fundamental freedoms.

So far, in the extracts given, Irish judges have referred

to the freedom to strike in an individual sense. More

recently the freedom was discussed in a collective context

but the insight into its nature is most unsatisfactory. In

Crowley and Others v. Ireland and Others

(Supreme

Court, unreported, 1 October 1979) a number of national

teachers withdrew their labour in pursuance of a trade

dispute affecting a particular school. Part of the defendant

teachers' defence was that their action was no more than

an exercise of the constitutional right to withdraw their

labour. Chief Justice O'Higgins did

'. . . not accept that such teachers had any

constitutional right to do what they did. However,

if they had any such right so to refrain from

teaching,

[emphasis added] it was not a right

which could be exercised for the purpose of

frustrating,

infringing

or

destroying

the

constitutional rights of others. Rights guaranteed

by the Constitution must be exercised having

regard to the rights of others. It is on this basis

that such rights are given by the Constitution.

Once it is sought to exercise such rights without

regard to the rights of others, and without regard

to the harm done to others then what is taking

place is an abuse and not the exercise of a right

given by the Constitution'.

If these words convey that a right to strike is qualified,

they are unexceptional. But they appear to go much

further than that. They apparently do not perceive as

102

worthy of consideration the central point that strike

action is used as an economic or political weapon. If it

could not be used as a weapon, it would be a pointless

phenomenon of industrial relations:—

'Every strike is in the nature of an act of war.

Gain on one side implies loss on the other . . .'

(Sir. Fitzjames Stephen:

The History of the

Criminal Law of England,

Vol. Ill, 219).

Given the broad and unlimited spectrum of constitutional

rights involved or likely to be involved in any industrial

conflict, it is impossible to forsee a situation where strike

action would not result in some degree of frustration,

infringement or destruction of the rights of others. In all

cases, therefore, is strike action to be unlawful? We

cannot deduce from the Chief Justice's words, either the

extent of the right to strike or the way in which the courts

might view a conflict of rights where, for example, strikes

involved essential services, or were political or

unconstitutional or where outsiders were unprotected.

The Chief Justice (with Parke J.) delivered a minority

judgment in

Crowley's

case: the majority of the Court

(Kenny, Henchy, Griffin JJ.) did not consider the

constitutional point in relation to strike action.

International Law

The right to strike is also found in international law.

The United Nations International Convention on

Economic, Social and Cultural Rights adopted in 1966

expressly mentions the right to strike, to be exercised in

accordance with the national law. This was the first time

that, on an international basis, the right to strike was

recognised.

The European Social Charter to which Ireland is a

party, provides in Article 6 that

'With a view to ensuring the effective exercise of

the right to bargain collectively, the Contracting

Parties . . . recognise: . . . The right or workers

and employers to collective action in cases of

conflicts of interest, including the right to strike,

subject to obligations that might arise out of

collective agreements previously entered into.'

This right is confined to conflicts of interest and does

not extend to conflicts of right. It can be subject to

restrictions which 'are prescribed by law and are

necessary in a democratic society for the protection of the

rights and freedoms of others or for the protection of the

public interest, national security, public health, or morals'

(Art. 31). Note that in the Charter the 'right' to strike is

an institution complementary to collective bargaining, not

a fundamental human right. (As such right, it would not

have been germane to the Social Charter).

Ireland is a member of the International Labour

Organisation.

3

In

1955,

following

repeated

and

persistent

representations by the Irish TUC, the Government

ratified ILO Convention no. 87 (1948) concerning

Freedom of Association and Protection of the Right to

Organise and Convention no. 98 (1949) concerning the

Application of the Principles of the Right to Organise and

to Bargain Collectively. (See

Trade Union Information

May-Ju. 1955, 14, 15.) Article 8(2) of ILO Convention

no. 87 enjoins that

'The law of the land shall not be such as to impair,

nor shall it be so applied as to impair, the

guarantees provided for in this Convention.'