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100

From the

Americas

M

ay

/J

une

2007

US Foreign policy

Russia’s President Putin sounds a note

heard at the White House

“The Bush administration has decided to reach out more often

and more intensively to Russia at a time when the leadership in

Moscow is harshly criticizing American policy and some scholars

say the United States has not sufficiently tended to an important

relationship.”

(‘US Moves to Soothe Growing Russian Resentment,’

March 6)

This assertion, by Washington reporters Thom Shanker and Helene

Cooper of the New York Times, reflects the belated awakening by

President George W Bush to the fact that President Vladimir V

Putin is seriously dissatisfied with him. While Mr Putin is not alone

in holding that view, recent remarks of his have been unusually

pointed and direct.

On February 10, in Munich, the Russian leader used a keynote

address at a security conference to accuse the US of overstepping

itself to impose its will on the world through the unilateral application

of military power. Specific grievances were American plans to

base elements of a missile defense system in Eastern Europe,

and Washington’s support for expanding the North Atlantic Treaty

Organization. Taken together, these policies have induced unease

and indignation in a Russia newly flush with petrodollars.

Initially it was believed by American political analysts that the speech

was intended for Russian domestic consumption. But many Russia

experts in the US came to believe that Mr Putin was speaking to the

United States and its NATO allies.

“We weren’t paying attention,”

Russia scholar Michael A. McFaul,

a professor at Stanford University (Palo Alto, California), told the

Times.

“We were distracted, busy, with other problems in the world,

in particular Iraq. The administration is now put in a position of

playing defense.”

Senior Bush administration officials, acknowledging the utility

of franker dialogue with Russia on American foreign policy and

national security plans, now seek fuller engagement with Russian

leaders. By calling for private discussions they hope to demonstrate

that the United States is exerting itself to promote the relationship.

Latin America

Venezuela spends on its neighbours

to counter US influence

President Hugo Chávez of Venezuela recently announced

that his government would build an oil refinery in Nicaragua.

Venezuela has also pledged to provide Ecuador with $1 billion in

credit, a very significant cushion if, as threatened, that country’s

government should default on foreign debt payments. And, together

with President Mahmoud Ahmadinejad of Iran, Mr Chávez has

announced a $2 billion international investment fund for Latin

America.

Why this very conspicuous open-handedness on the part of the

Venezuelan president? Writing in the Washington Post, Juan Forero

and Peter S Goodman explain:

“[Mr] Chávez has long pledged to

buck Washington-backed economic policies in Latin America. Now,

two months after winning reelection and consolidating his hold on

the country with new powers to rule by decree, he is strengthening

economic ties in the region in a bid”

to curb the reach of the US

government in the region. (‘Chávez Builds His Sphere of Influence,’

February 23)

Long neglected by US President George W Bush, whose foreign-

affairs focus lies elsewhere, Latin America is already broadly

disillusioned with its big neighbour to the North. But the Post writers

say that economists and other observers of Venezuela’s affairs

believe that, for Mr Chávez, the goal is

“nothing less than to kill the

so-called Washington consensus”

: the economic recommendations

of the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the US Treasury

which push governments to limit spending, raise interest rates, and

open their economies to foreign trade and investment.

While the amount of Venezuelan aid to neighbours is hard to

quantify, it would appear that the country puts its money where its

president’s mouth is. Venezuela’s central bank recorded billions

spent on foreign bonds and other investments in the first nine

months of 2006, dwarfing the amount the United States offers in

assistance to all of Latin America.

As for Mr Chávez’s vision of a Latin America independent of the US,

the Venezuelan model, predicated on a break with all multinational

institutions with Washington ties, has plainly gathered steam in

some countries. Last year, Argentina paid off the last of the $10

billion it owed the IMF. It was aided by Venezuela, which had bought

$2.5 billion in Argentine debt. Also in 2006, after spending nearly

two decades under the strictures of an IMF program, Bolivia let its

agreement with the fund end. Meanwhile, Venezuela has committed

more than $140 million in loans and grants while pledging to invest

as much as $1.5 billion in Bolivia’s gas industry in coming years.

Bolivian leaders said Venezuelan aid comes with fewer strings

attached.

“In the case of the United States, we’re locked into

specific areas – aid for roads, aid for health, aid for electricity,”

vice president Álvaro García Linera told the Post in an interview in

his office in La Paz. The Venezuelan aid

“allows [Bolivia] greater

flexibility to choose projects with more productive impact, especially

those ventures that include a state presence.”

• While President Chávez of Venezuela frequently takes his

anti-Washington show on the road in Latin America, some of

the region’s most important economies – Mexico, Brazil, Chile,

Colombia, and Peru – maintain solid relations with multilateral

lenders and continue to follow market-oriented principles, such

as welcoming foreign investment, limiting government spending

and attacking inflation. And the Washington Post article cited

above notes that it is by no means certain that the Venezuelan

president is well regarded by the people he visits, even if their

governments are happy to accept his aid.

According to a recent survey of 20,200 people in 18 Latin

American countries by Latinobarómetro, a Chilean polling firm,

most of those polled lumped Mr Chávez with US President Bush

and Cuba’s Fidel Castro as bad leaders. They cited Brazil’s Luiz

Inacio Lula da Silva and Chile’s Michelle Bachelet as the best.