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MINING FOR CLOSURE

29

ence where

Mining for Closure

was launched and

was also specifically noted in the Declaration of the

High-Level Panel of the Sub-regional Conference

included as Appendix A to this report.

The governance principles are intended to apply

primarily to foreign direct investment (FDI) in in-

dustrial, mining and other activities with particular

focus upon those with significant social and envi-

ronmental impacts, especially in countries in tran-

sition, under-developed regions and developing

countries. These principles have been designed to

complement voluntary international codes of con-

duct, compacts and other instruments. Many of the

principles are relevant to the content of this work

and the reader is encouraged to examine them.

56

The text for the Governance Principles is included

as Appendix D.

2.4

In closing this second chapter, it is felt necessary

to add context to discussion of financially related

barriers to

Mining for Closure

that the have been al-

luded to, or explicitly stated during the preceding

sections.

Having addressed the topic of investment from the

firm internal point of view, it is also necessary to

provide insights into a number of real or perceived

challenges to

Mining for Closure

. The first area is

related to the source of mine activity financing.

A second area is related to perceptions regarding

the potential yields of a development. This second

area has three facets, firstly perceptions of the yield

(rents) available to a miner, secondly, perceptions

regarding distribution of the economic yield avail-

able to a host government and thirdly, economic

benefits to individuals in positions of power.

An important message here is that responsible gov-

ernance is central to good environmental and social

performance in mining. It has far-reaching implica-

tions for the financing of mining, and to the distri-

bution of economic rents from mining activities.

As a first point, the absence of national require-

ments for adequate mine closure provisions and/

or integrated mine closure planning may actually

act against more responsible miners. It should be

noted that international financial institutions typi-

cally require consideration of closure related issues

– even where nation states may not. Where such

conditions exist, investors seeking finance from

such sources may be disadvantaged in their en-

deavours when compared to those potential min-

ers accessing alternative capital markets with more

limited requirements relating to closure funding

(Nazari, 1999). There is a higher likelihood that

miners seeking finance outside the realm inhab-

ited by reputable financial institutions are also

those that have substandard operational practices.

In such a scenario, it appears that an absence of ad-

equate frameworks for mine closure may actually

serve to “penalise” investors seeking financing or

political risk insurance through respectable inter-

national financial institutions.

The second area introduced is that of

Mining for

Closure

as a potential barrier to investment. In

particular, this is indicative of perceptions regard-

ing reduced profits for miners but it also indicates

the possibility of pollution haven scenarios being

relevant.

57

A possibility here is that national en-

vironmental requirements representative of

best

environmental practice in mining

may result in po-

tential (and perhaps much needed) miners going

elsewhere with their investment resources. While

empirical evidence of the validity of this scenario

was not found in the review conducted in order to

generate this document, there are clearly serious

implications for countries eager to attract private

sector investment if this is the case.

58

However,

this issue should be considered in the light of at

least three important points. First, is that mineral

resources are immovable. The likelihood that a po-

tential developer can choose between two compet-

ing mineral resources based upon “laxity of regu-

lation” appears small. Second is that Government

has at hand fiscal frameworks within which they

can create attractive packages for prospective min-

ing activity. As Andrews (2002) of the World Bank

Group indicates, the taxation, royalty and/or in-

real or perceived

financial barriers

56. The updated and revised governance principles are also avail-

able at:

http://www.rec.org/REC/Programs/EnvironmentalLaw/

PDF/Governance_Principles.pdf

57. Pollution havens have been described and debated by a wide

range of authors such as Bommer (1999), Brunnermeier (2004)

and Millemet (2004), to name but a few. The concept involves the

preferential movement of an industrial activity to nation states or

regions where environmental regulations are less stringent, less

well developed or where enforcement is weak. There is significant

debate whether the hypothesis regarding moves to lax regulation

actually holds.

58. Indeed, significant evidence to the contrary was found – See in

particular the citation from the Government of Ontario in Section

2.3.1.