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DISCUSSION

263

of sociological analysis, but a permanent and essential aspect of social

research.

It might be possible to draw a general outline and formal theory of

the fundamental requirements of a rational morality and politics. For

Habermas, an a priori decision on practical issues does not eonforrri to

the norm of rationality. However, Habermas' notion of free communi-

cation as the formal precondition of rational politics is not only an a

priori practical preference, but also may constitute a general criterion

for decisions on practical issues. More specifically, the interest in the

existence of free communication and the reproduction and maintenance

of free discourse are both rational interests. Therefore, even if in a

specific discourse there is consensus, we can reject the rationality of

consensus if it does not conform to any of our two universal interests.

This implies that a majority tyranny cannot be considered rational

because it contradicts at least the interest in reproduction of free

communication. Furthermore, those societal, economic, and political

arrangements that contradict the interest in free discourse can be ruled

irrational. This means, however, that Habermas' hypothetical situation

of ideal speech might result in an irrational consensus. This is particu-

larly the case when, due to lack of exact sociological knowledge, the

objective outcome of the consensual policy undermines the structure of

free communication.

In conclusion, I would argue that (a) values are not reducible to the

level of facts, and individuals are the best judges of their own interests.

Hence, the inadequacy of the technocratic model. (b) The individual

rational practical choice presupposes autonomy. Autonomy, however,

requires free societal communication and ideal speech situations;

whence the inadequacy of the decisionistic and historicist theory of

practical relativism. (c) Although values are not reducible to the level of

facts, they are not entirely disassociated from factual considerations.

Furthermore, the autonomy of social institutions from individual inten-

tions, and the reality of the unintended consequences of alternative

policies create the possibility of "irrational consensus". Hence the

inadequacy of Habermas' theory of rationality. (d) We should expect an

increasing level of disagreement and diversity of opinion among the

more intellectual and enlightened citizens. In other words, it is unlikely

that democracy and critical debate will lead to increased consensus on